As the funeral of Iran's former supreme leader Ali Khamenei moved to Qom and Najaf, Iran's leadership weighed the mandate from millions who filled Tehran's streets over three days.
Some hailed the moment as a referendum supporting the clerical establishment, calling for intensified confrontation with the West.
Others viewed it as national pride conditional on demands for change and an end to war.
Government sources believe they organized mass shows of support without disorder or signs of coercion, despite Western media and social influencers being permitted into Iran.
In Qom, Khamenei's body arrived by helicopter, and the Jamkaran mosque reached capacity seven hours before morning prayers.
Ayatollah Javadi Amoli read the prayer in a choked voice.
Estimates for the Tehran turnout vary wildly, from 350,000 to 35 million. The Financial Times reported 12 million attendees, pleasing the government.
At minimum, the turnout rivaled the 1989 funeral of Ruhollah Khomeini, when 5–7 million mourned.
Decades of economic troubles and political repression under Khamenei damaged the regime's support base.
However, many in the procession were educated and opposed what they saw as the extra-judicial killing of their leader.
Mohammad Ali Kadivar, associate professor at Boston College, described the funeral as a major episode of state-led mobilization.
He noted that since 1979, the state has built dense infrastructure through mosques, Basij, schools, and media to organize public participation.
Kadivar added that the Islamic Republic also has a real social base—large, organized, and ideologically committed—though not a majority.
Funerals and commemorations make that support visible.
Reza Nasri, a lawyer close to the government, said the images showed the US never understood Iran.
He called it one of the largest human gatherings on earth, expressing grief, pride, and cohesion.
Hossein Rouyvaran, political science professor at Tehran University, argued that Western theories are materialistic, but what happened in Tehran transcends materialism.
He said the war changed the social contract, uniting former opponents under the Iranian flag.
Some aspects of Khamenei's canonization bordered on absurd. Justice Minister Amin Hossein Rahimi said the judiciary enabled lawsuits over mental harm from the leader's loss.
Rouyvaran said the marches will legitimize the government and give it a freer hand in negotiations with the US.
However, fractures exist, and advocates of confrontation may gain the upper hand.
Activity around the Strait of Hormuz, including gunfire at Qatari LNG tankers, suggests Iran is not relaxing its grip.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, seen riding helmetless to the funeral, faces demands for revenge.
Responding to Trump's threats, Araghchi said millions of proud Iranians rallied, and negotiations will not commence if threats continue.
Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, retired professor at the University of Tehran, expressed concern over state TV's push for revenge and rejection of negotiation.
He warned against extremists dragging the country into war.
Hesamoddin Ashna, adviser to former president Hassan Rouhani, urged employing justice and rationality to witness Iran's resurgence.
Some noted that former presidents Khatami, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani were excluded from ceremonies, questioning the claim of national cohesion.
Also absent was Ali Asghar Hijazi, deputy chief of Khamenei's office, who opposed elevating Khamenei's son Mojtaba as successor.
The battle for Iran's soul, both subterranean and in the streets, is entering a new phase.
